 Nothing has
frustrated our politicians more, nor protected our people so well, over
the last 87 years as our constitution. Australians need to understand
its strategic role in restraining government power, and in protecting
our democratic freedoms. We need to understand its past contribution and
the future.
For anyone interested in the rich heritage of Australia, the court system,
the constitution and the law are alive with unexpected treasures.
King Alfred (848-899), known as Alfred the Great, was not called great
because he burnt the cakes, or even for his military exploits. He was
'great' because he introduced a standard legal system for the whole of
England. The system was not new, but had not previously been firmly enforced
for the whole country.
The Ten Commandments (Exodus Ch.20) were the basis of
the law and were to be applied by all Judges. For understanding and applying
the Ten Commandments the judges were to use the whole of the Bible. The
responsibility of the king were to ensure that the law was properly administered
for the welfare of the people and that the people could dwell in safety,
protected from one another and from external aggressors. For these purposes
the king had a council of advisers on whose advice he would normally act.(Thus
an Act! of Parliament is a decision of the monarch taken on the advice
of his properly appointed advisers.)
The task of the Judges was to declare law, or to put it, in other words,
to declare the application of the Bible to the case before them. As the
judges were simply re stating, for a particular case, rules that already
existed, it can be easily understood that each judgement created a precedent
that would have to be followed in other cases with the same or similar
facts.
This raises the problem of what to do when a judge misunderstood, mis-stated
or mis-applied the Bible, thereby creating a "Wrong" precedent.
This is where the king's council of advisers came in. The wrong decision
made by the judge would stand, but the Kings advisers should not allow
such a judgment to become a precedent to be followed in subsequent cases.
Thus, they had a responsibility to advise the king to 'enact' a law that
correctly interpreted the Bible for future application In the courts,
In the place of the mistaken interpretation of the judge.
The king, his advisers and the judges were all subject to the law. The
judges were bound to apply the law created by precedent and by Acts but
could not otherwise be directed by the king or his advisers. The king
had no right to place himself above the law but could not be brought before
the courts. The advisers had a responsibility to advise the king in accordance
with the law and could not be directed either by the king himself, or
by the judged what advice to give. It is easy to understand why this has
subsequently been referred to as a system of checks and balances.
Magna Carta
The weakness in the system established by Alfred appears from the question:
"Who controls the king if he does place himself above the law, or
if he improperly rejects the advice of his council?" This question
does not seem to have needed an answer until after the Norman Conquest
of 1066.
Although the answer probably was perfectly clear before 1215, history
shows the dramatic events of the signing of the Magna Carta. Despite what
has been written in some history books and what might have been taught
in schools in recent years, research demonstrates that there was nothing
new in Magna Carta. King John was forced to recognise some aspects of
his existIng responsibility under the law. Certainly Magna Carta largely
related to issues raised by powerful interest groups and covered only
a small part of the kings existing responsibility. Nevertheless, It was
a significant landmark in reminding the monarch of his preexisting duties.
It would not be true to say that all went well after Magna Carta - the
judges did not always faithfully declare the law, the kings advisors did
not always firmly advise as they should have, and the king did not always
remember that he was subject to the law himself. Indeed, particularly
in the Seventeenth Century the political doctrine of the 'divine right
of kings' was popular. This doctrine held that the king ruled as God's
regent and, this being so, the kings word was law. It was In this setting
that Samuel Rutherford wrote his famous book "Les Rex" (1644).
In this work Rutherford reminded the nation that the "law is king'
and if a ruler (whether king or anyone in authority) disobeys the law
or portrays the trust of his position he should be removed from office.
He made it clear a ruler should not be deposed merely because of a single
breach, but when the governing structure of the country is being destroyed
the offending ruler should be relieved of his power and authority.
This is exactly what happened in the case of James Il in 1688. The king
claimed 'a divine right', rejected the advice of his counsellors and set
about changing the governing structure of the country. He was removed
from office (as he should have been in accordance with the law) and was
replaced by William III and Mary.
Bill Of Rights
William and Mary were required to sign the Bill of Rights in 1689. Again,
interestingly, the Bill of Rights contained nothing new but was a restatement
of some of the areas of peoples rights James had improperly sought to
remove. Like Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights included a reflection of
the complaints of powerful sectional interests, but was intended only
as a reminder of certain inalienable rights of the people and certain
responsibilities of the monarch.
William Blackstone, first Vinerian Professor of the Law of England at
Oxford University, wrote the first total overview of English law in 1765
(known as Blackstone's Commentaries on the Law of England). He demonstrates
that, although the law had developed since the days of Alfred the Great,
the same basis of law, function of the judges, purpose of the kings advisors
(House of Commons and House of Lords), and responsibility of the king
still existed. It can be clearly seen therefore that the law of England,
the purpose of the courts and the functions of the constitution had their
derivation in the Bible, and not, as Is often suggested, from Roman law
or any other source.
It was the law, constitution and court system in the form explained by
Blackstone that came to Australia with the first English settlers in 1788.
English Law.
It was a principle of English law that settlers brought to a colony so
much of the law of England as was applicable to their own situation and
the conditions of the infant colony. Any aspects of the law that were
not immediately applicable lay dormant until circumstances changed. A
change of circumstances automatically revived the relevant dormant laws.
Judgments of the courts of England made before settlement continued as
binding precedents for the courts of the colonies, and Acts made before
settlement also applied. No decision of an English court made after the
date of settlement constituted a binding precedent for the colony, and
Acts made after that date did not apply to the colony except by express
application or necessary implication.
Thus, it can be said that In English law the date of settlement of a
colony is a "cut off" date for the reception of laws. Thereafter
the colony makes its own. This principle was varied for the Eastern part
of Australia (New South Wales, Van Diemen's Land, Queensland and Victoria)
by the Australian Courts Act which declared 25 July 1828 as the "cut
off" date.
A governor was appointed to represent the monarch in each of the Australian
colonies. Also, each of these colonies was granted a Constitution establishing
a parliament to advise the governor, and courts for the administration
of Justice. These constitutions in no way replace, but merely reflected,
the existing constitutional structures Imported into Australia by the
operation of the law the settlers brought with them.
Federation
After more than ten years open public discussion, the Australian colonies
agreed to federate for the certain limited purposes and, thus, the Commonwealth
of Australia Constitution, and the Commonwealth itself, came into existence
on I January, 1901. Again, this Constitution reflected the existing constitutional
structures - dependence on God was recognised; the independence of the
judiciary was maintained: the elected council (House of Representatives
and Senate) advised the Governor-General; and the Governor--General normally
enacted (or assented to) the advice of the Houses of Parliament. The Commonwealth
of Australia Constitution, however, contains two additional and Interesting
features.
The first of these features is that, although the advice of the two Houses
of Parliament becomes law when it is consented to by the Governor--General,
the King (or Queen) may disallow or annul any law within twelve months
after the Governor-General has given his assent.
The second feature is that the provision of the Constitution (i.e. the
1901 agreed terms of federation) can only be altered if the proposed alteration
is agreed to by an overall majority of voters in Australia and by a majority
of voters in a majority of States. A referendum is required before any
change can take place.
The "Australia Act"
It is basically the system Introduced by Alfred the Great that is still
maintained in Australian's institutional heritage of courts, law and constitution
in the federal sphere. However, the Australia Act 1986 brought great change
to the structure in the States. In the debates leading up to the passing
of that Act (an Act supported by every member of parliament In Australia)
the Hon. John Spender, Shadow Attorney-General, said in the House of Representatives
on 25 November 1985:
"The Australia Act will require a State Governor not to withhold
assent to a Bill passed according to the requirements of the Parliament
of a State; and the power of the Queen to disallow State laws, and any
requirement of State laws to be suspended pending the signification of
the Queen's pleasure are to be put to an end."
This is a fundamental change to the historic constitutional structures.
Now in the States of Australia, the Houses of Parliament are no longer
advisers to the Governor and monarch, but are the ultimate deciders of
the law. The Governor and Queen have been relegated to ceremonial roles.
The current Federal Government sought to change the Constitution of the
Commonwealth of Australia in 1988. In the providence of God, there was
no proposal for the imminent removal from the Constitution of the powers
and responsibilities of the Governor-General and the Queen in the Federal
sphere. If these powers and responsibitities are removed, the whole historic
governing structure of the nation will be changed. The effect would be
to make Australia a republic in fact if not in name; the only remaining
control over the absolute power of the government on the day would be
the Constitution Itself.
As Australia celebrates two hundred years of settlement, its people can
also celebrate the tri-centenary of the English Revolution of the peaceful
and bloodless removal of a ruler, who sought to destroy the fundamental
structure of the nation, from which our heritage of Justice and constitution
is drawn.
Dr David Mitchell is an Australian Lawyer and a leading authority
on Constitutional and Human Rights issues, being a graduate of the International
Institute of Human Rights in Strasbourg, France. Amongst other attainments
he was Attorney-General of the African nation of Lesotho, and is an ordained
Presbyterian Minister. He has spoken widely on related matters and played
an strategic role in the defeat of the Republican movement and governments
proposals to change Australia's Constitution.
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